Sunday, January 26, 2020

Conservative Government Welfare State: 1951-1964

Conservative Government Welfare State: 1951-1964 Why did the Conservative government of 1951 to 1964 expand the Welfare State? Introduction The underlying consensus at the beginning of the 1950’s, thanks to a growing sense of affluence, was that poverty was gradually being eliminated and levels of pre-war deprivation were something of the past that was reflected in a move towards fuller employment and the reallocation of resources directed towards the welfare state (see, for example, Rowntree and Lavers, 1951). There were, however doubts raised as to the reality of this optimism (Silver and Silver 1991: p. 148). Although post-war 1945 welfare provisions brought in by the Labour party may have led to the amelioration of poverty this, at the same time, had the affect of masking the fact that poverty was still a significant social problem (Titmus 1962; Macdonald 1963). Sections of the UK population thus still appeared to suffer from poverty (Harvey 1960). Interestingly, during the post–war Labour administration, the Conservative opposition voiced agreement with the inauguration of the welfare state because the Second World War had shown the benefits to be derived from collective effort. Such effort was subsequently reassigned to the organisation and planning of state bodies that helped promote opportunities throughout society (Silver and Silver 1991 p. 156). In this regard, when the Conservatives regained power in 1951, they were already predisposed to take a positive stance towards Attlee’s welfare reforms not least because the Labour government had been quite moderate in its general outlook (Morgan 2000, p. 8). Moreover, immediately after the end of the Second World War the Conservatives had expected to be returned to power but the Labour party had instead been elected. This was thought to be because the Conservatives were regarded as the party of war whereas Labour appeared to be better placed to deal with post-war social reconstruction. The Conservative Period in Office and Attitudes to Welfare On coming to power in 1951, the Conservatives under Churchill (who retired in 1955) were expected to â€Å"roll back the welfare state† but, as a result of the post-war political consensus, were not inclined to reverse the welfare reforms of the previous Labour government. In fact, the Tories were keen to demonstrate that they were capable of administering the welfare state as well, if not better, than the Labour party (Lehmberg and Heyck 2002). This was despite those in the Conservative party, such as Thornycroft, who were against such a policy (Bridgen and Lowe 1998). Furthermore, the Tories continued to hold to the â€Å"one nation† ideal of Disraeli and Baldwin. Having said this, the Conservatives tended to allow state control to be ceded somewhat to the demands of a market economy causing a rupture to open up between the needs of welfare and economic imperatives. In this respect, they also denationalised the steel industry and road haulage system. And some changes to Labour policy were enacted with more of a bias towards private finance in certain sectors of welfare but all the Tory leaders of the period were keen to uphold social peace and, in this regard, the trade unions were treated with respect (More 2006, p. 164). Churchill, in particular, with memories of the trade union riots in 1910 and the General Strike in 1926, wished to rule over a harmonious land (Morgan 2000, p. 9). Eden (prime minister from 1955-1957) had also been a â€Å"one nation† politician who had previously stood down from Chamberlains administration. Douglas-Home as the last Conservative prime minister (1963-1964) of this administration also believed in non-confrontational politics. The Conservative party’s attitude to welfare from 1951 to 1964 has been referred to as a wet-dry cycle by Willetts (1992). The dry period is deemed to have occurred between 1951 and 1957 that involved containing the welfare state. In fact, housing expenditure actually increased from 1951 to 1954 yet welfare benefits hardly kept up with the inflation rate and means tested national assistance declined in value in comparison to earnings (Atkinson, 1969 p. 20). Moreover, spending on health care also came under restraint (Webster, 1996 p. 6). This may have been connected to problems with the UK’s balance of trade in 1952. 1954, however, saw the end of austerity and rationing that was to lead the way to the â€Å"feel good† factor. Fortunately, international economic events began to weigh in Britain’s favour in relation to the terms of trade that meant more could be spent on welfare projects without damaging the value of sterling (Porter, 1999). Churchill had te nded to leave domestic affairs to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, R. A. Butler, who was keen to continue with the welfare policies of his Labour predecessor, Gaitskell, leading to what has been termed â€Å"Butskellism.† Churchill’s successor, Anthony Eden, took a similar line in renouncing laissez-faire economics as the arbiter of social affairs (Lehmberg and Heyck 2002 p. 252). However, after 1957 and during the â€Å"wet period†, Harold Macmillan’s (prime minister from 1957 to 1963) â€Å"middle way† saw the welfare system again undergoing expansion.[1] This was reflected in the increasing prosperity of the country and the move towards full employment. It was during this period that the existing Chancellor of the Exchequer, Peter Thorneycroft, resigned in response to Macmillan’s unwillingness to reduce public expenditure. Importantly, Macmillan, had already helped frame the Tory’s policy on social reform during the 1930’s, which was influenced by the high unemployment rate of this period, and was therefore disposed to continue with Butskellism and a managed economy. In this respect, Macmillan has been referred to as the quintessential moderate (Morg an 2000, p. 9). In fact, Macmillan seemed to have been successful in wooing many working class voters to the Conservative cause that was exemplified in the statement â€Å"you have never had it so good.† Macmillan’s policies therefore led to an increased acceptance of the need for a managed economy, full employment and the necessity of welfare. The Tories were split by two opposing forces; one where national economic efficiency was to be enhanced as opposed to improvement in opportunities and living standards of those at the lower margins of society. This necessitated reduced taxation and incentives to promote individual enterprise and increased investment in housing and education to ensure an appropriate workforce. The question arose, however, as to what extent should the market or central government dictate the course of events. National efficiency was, at the time, regarded as crucial in order to prevent any further reduction in the UK’s economic prowess. Yet raised public expenditure was deemed necessary to improve social assistance to those on lower incomes that would serve to narrow the continuing disparities in wealth. In response to the latter, the amount spent on welfare gradually increased during the Conservative term in office from 14% to approximately 16% of national income. The Hospital Plan of 1962 also saw a move towards greater investment in the NHS and in 1959 insurance contributions became linked to earnings to provide the basis for a state pension. Most of these initiatives, however, were predicated on the idea of the â€Å"opportunity† state where the government provided the conditions allowing individuals to have greater opportunities and equality to succeed in society (More 2006, p. 165). In this way, Macmillan thus sought to balance the needs of the economy with a more just welfare system. Conclusion The main reasons why the 1951-1964 Conservative government chose to continue with and, to some extent, improve the welfare state had to do with: The previous experiences of key Tory politicians with the divisiveness relating to social issues of the pre-war years. The coming to power of the Labour party after the end of the Second World War suggesting that the electorate was ready for a new start and wanted to rectify the social failings of the first half of the 20th century. The Tories had seen the benefits of this policy and therefore wanted to continue with the system to realise a â€Å"one nation† objective. The growing prosperity of the country together with almost full employment, especially during the latter part of the 1950’s, meant that welfare was more affordable. A realisation that poverty continued to be a problem in particular areas and social situations. The recognition that social policies, especially in areas of health, education and social security, could benefit the economy. The fact that Macmillan had been re-elected with an increased majority in 1959 was evidence that such a policy had been successful and should be extended. The need for a â€Å"middle way† to be struck between the needs of the economy and the demands relating to welfare and poverty. A positive welfare policy created the conditions for an â€Å"opportunity† state making the economy more dynamic and flexible. Although Conservative policies had led to improvements in economic prosperity during their period in office, this was accompanied by as â€Å"stop-go† economy that had led to the UK falling behind foreign competitors leading to the impression that forward looking ideas were in short supply. The coming to power in 1963 of the titled Douglas-Home only served to reinforce this impression and the Labour party were returned to power in 1964 with Harold Wilson as prime minister. References Atkinson, A. B. 1969. Poverty in Britain and the Reform of Social Security. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bridgen, P. and Lowe, R. 1998. Welfare policy under the Conservatives 1951-1964. Kew, UK. Public Record Office. Macdonald, D. 1963, Our Invisible Poor. The New Yorker Magazine. January 19. More, C. 2006. Britain in the 20th Century. Harlow: Pearson Education. Morgan, K.2000. British Political Culture Since 1945 – Consensus, Protest and Change. pp. 4-22 In, The Great, the New and the British: Essays on Postwar Britain. A. Ribberink. and H. Righart. (eds.) Instituut voor Geschiedenis: Utrecht. Harvey, 1960. Casualities of the Welfare State. Fabian Tract (London) No. 32. Lehmberg, S. E. and Heyck, T. W. 2002. A History of the Peoples of the British Isles. London: Routledge. Porter, D. 1999. Juggling with Welfare and Greatness: Britain under the Tories, 1951-64. History Review. p. 28 Rowntree, B.S. and Lavers, G.R. 1951. Poverty and the welfare state: a third social survey of York dealing only with economic questions. London: Longmans. Silver, H. and Silver, P. 1991. An educational war on poverty: American and British policy-making 1960-1980. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Titmus, R. M. 1962, Income, Distribution and Social Change. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Webster, C 1996. The Health Serivices since the war. Vol. 2. London: HMSO. Willetts, D. 1992. Modern Conservatism. London: Penguin. 1 Footnotes [1] Macmillan’s book â€Å"The Middle Way† published in 1938 based on his experiences of mass unemployment in the north east of England set out his political outlook that combined some market oriented principles with public control that helped secure a sustainable economy for the benefit of a greater swathe of the population.

Saturday, January 18, 2020

If I Were A President Essay

If I were to become President of the United States of America I would change some things that are hurting America and keep other stuff that are helping our country become stronger. The central points that I would focus on would be the military, the economy, education, homeland security and the poor. Those main points have pros and cons, as a president I would minimize the cons and up bring the pros. As a president some of the policies will change and some will stay the same. I would start my policies with the main point that the USA citizens are struggling the most with. The difference that I would like to see in America would be the economy. We are going through a tough time relating to money and as a president I would like for it to become better throughout the country. My first order would be to create more jobs to help the economy within the USA; by creating jobs I believe that the economy will slowly become better.The military will be coming home from whichever war to end violence and/or regroup our strategies. Military would be given any necessary equipment that they need; also they would be granted any support that they might need to get back on their feet in the United States. As for homeland security I will make it stronger and more alert that way no incident with a terrorist will be able to occur. Education will also be one of my priorities. I will make the education rise up from its current rank worldwide. I also want to lower the tuition of universities and colleges; we have to make the education cheaper to keep students educating themselves. Poor families cant afford the money for their children to go to school, poor families will be inspected as to why the are in their current economic situation and if they deserve the help they will be given the help. Three things that I will change would be the education system, we put students especially high schoolers under too much pressure. Another thing that I would change will be our trash system. I would make it a law that all citizens will need to sort their trash into recycling trashcans. One more thing that I would change would be that all states have to allow abortion. It is a controversial topic but I believe that women need the abortion.

Friday, January 10, 2020

Fahrenheit 451: By Ray Bradbury Essay

Fahrenheit 451 Introduction   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The book â€Å"Fahrenheit 451† can be considered as a futuristic novel that tells about the future and how various aspects such as technological developments have had an impact on the society (Otten, 1990). The author observes that people in the futuristic society are lazy and do not read books, spend quality time alone or even think as independent minds and do not have conversations which can be considered as meaningful. It is a society of people that watch too much of television and listen to a lot of radio which takes up most of their time. Based on the views of the author, can it be concluded that technological developments have had adverse effects on human race?   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Throughout the novel, the author depicts several themes one of them is that of censorship. The censorship that is depicted in this book is that on read of books whereby books are banned in the future (Bloom, 2007). This is contributed by categories of factors such as lack of interest and hostility of the people towards books. The symbol presented in this novel is that of a mirror which is used to portray a sense of having self-realization and understanding. The fire Captain is portrayed as a literary expert because of the way the captain flues the fire instead of being the one to put it out. The Captain goes contrary to expectations of a fireman. The choice of those final words is as a result of Beatty standing her ground and daring Montag to take his life through the use of literature (Hiner, 2001).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The problem with the leisure concept as presented by Montag is that it is not in existence in the real world. The people, as depicted in the novel are engrossed in television viewing as well as listening to the radio without any quality information, which is only in the books. By the end of the novel, Bradbury succeeds in establishing his idea (Bradbury, & Bloom, 2008). This is due to the reason that the concepts and views that he puts forward in the novel are still applicable in the modern society despite having written the book many years ago. The modern society is overflown with technological developments which have changed the thinking of people about leisure and what needs to be done during leisure, therefore, showing that Bradbury succeeded in putting forward his idea of leisure.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Clarisse is seen as a young and beautiful seventeen-year old girl who influences Montag and introduces him to a new potential of the world in terms of beauty. Clarisse appears as an innocent and curious girl who impacts on the life of Montag. She helps in the set-up of the whole framework of the novel because of her odd characters which makes her to be viewed as an outcast in the society. Clarisse loves hiking, asking a lot of questions as well as playing, something that the society views as quite odd habits for a teenager. The happiness depicted through Clarisse and her family which is also seen as an odd family influences the views that Montag has on leisure (Reid, 2000).   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   From the above analysis of this novel, it is to be noted that the whole idea is that on reading of books and the changes that technological developments have caused in the society. One question that one would want to ask is that, â€Å"Is it possible to have a society where there are no books and all that people can depend on is technology?† The answer to this question can only be obtained if a research is conducted again to establish if this can occur in real life. References Bloom, H. (2007). Fahrenheit 451. New York: Infobase Publishing. Bradbury, R., & Bloom, H. (2008). Fahrenheit 451: New Edition. New York: Infobase Pub. Hiner, K. (2001). CliffsNotes Bradbury’s Fahrenheit 451. Foster City, CA: IDG Books Worldwide. Otten, N. (1990). Fahrenheit 451: By Ray Bradbury. Saint Louis, Mo: Milliken. Reid, R. A. (2000). Ray Bradbury: A critical companion. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press. Source document

Thursday, January 2, 2020

Ira History And Transformation Of The Ira Essay - 1341 Words

IRA History and transformation to the RIRA The precursor to the IRA was a group called the Irish Volunteers who later transformed in the IRA around 1919. The goal from the start was to create the Independent Republic that was not controlled by Britain. The Sinn Fein was the government wing of the terrorist group, who shared the same exact goal but from a diplomatic standpoint. Not everyone who was a part of the IRA was also a part of the Sinn Fein and vice versa but the membership tended to overlap during the IRA’s inception period. The IRA first used terrorism during the war of Irish independence from 1919-1921 against Britain. At the end of the war, Britain had let go of 26 counties and this resulted in a new free Ireland. However, 6 counties remained under Britains control. The 6 six counties that remained were together named Northern Ireland and to this day, Northern Ireland is still a part of the United Kingdom. The first split of the IRA happened during this time between those who accepted 26 counties being s et free (loyalist) and those who were upset that 6 remained under Britain control. Those who were not in favor of 6 counties apart of the United Kingdom were named the Irregulars. A civil war occurred between the irregulars and the new Irish government and the irregulars had lost. This did not stop them from recruiting and training, in hopes that their dream of a unified Ireland. The new Irish government made the organization illegal due to its continuedShow MoreRelatedAnalysis Of Many Thousands Gone1260 Words   |  6 Pages In Ira Berlin’s book, Many Thousands Gone, the main focus is on the transformations that slavery went through from 1619 to 1800. Also, Ira Berlin investigates the ways that slaves and their owners discussed freedom. Meaning that the slaves actions, no matter how powerful the slave owner was, the actions were not in his power. 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